Anti-Press Bill: The party in power at the Centre, after getting a massive mandate in 1971, was making concerted efforts to shackle the press and abridge its freedom. A Bill was drafted for amending the Companies Act. It incorporated a special provision for de-linking the newspaper companies from other business interests. Popularly known as Anti Press Bill, it was supplemented by an order imposing a ceiling of 10 pages for bigger newspapers. The government gave the impression that the proposed measure was in response to the journalists' twin demands for diffusing newspaper ownership pattern to ensure editorial freedom against proprietorial interference as also governmental interference via the proprietors. On critical examination however, it was found that the proposed legal measure was designed not only to cripple the economically well-managed large newspapers but, in essence was a device for Government takeover of the newspapers through the backdoor.

The journalists and other sections of the society committed to democratic values and freedom of the press were highly agitated. The journalists felt specially uneasy as the only trade union federation representing them was found actively supporting what was clearly an Anti-Press Bill. The press in India was truly facing a grave situation. Freedom of the press was in peril and called for an immediate response. A national convention of the journalists from West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Delhi, held in Delhi on January 23 and 24 1972, discussed various issues concerning the press and media persons. The convention resolved to form a non-political All-India Organisation to be called the National Union of Journalists (India) dedicated to the promotion and safeguarding of the professional; and economic interests of journalists. The organisation has scrupulously followed the path chalked out for it.

The convention called upon the President of India to appoint a committee to study in-depth the issues related to diffusion of news-paper ownership and asked the Government not to take any unilateral step. The convention also wanted a Second Press Commission to study the conditions in the newspaper industry which have changed vastly since the First Press Commission gave its findings in 1954.

The Government was forced to appoint a fact-finding Committee in April to go into the economics of newspaper industry with Prof. Bhabatosh Dutta as its Chairman. Meanwhile the Government had second, thoughts on the provisions of the ownership diffusion Bill, but it decided to persist with the 10 page ceiling order which was fortunately struck down by the Supreme Court in 1973.

The Government could not tolerate any dissent and free discussion. this became evident when the Editor of the Hindustan Times, Mr. B. G. Verghese, approached the Press council in 1974 against the management’ interference with the editor’s rights and produced evidence that it was done at the behest of some political pressure. The council was abolished (December 1975) before it could produce its adjudication report.

In this contest of the Government’s hostility towards the NUJ(I) that the organisation was denied representation on the Wage Board for Working Journalists, headed by Justice Palekar in 1975. Inspite of verification of its sizeable membership by Justice Moidu, the Government, perhaps to oblige the IFWJ and its fellow traveller, kept the NUJ (I) out of the Wage Board. But the NUJ(I) had the satisfaction that its wall documented representations before the Palekar Wage Board (later converted into a Tribunal following non-cooperation of the employers) became the basis of the final recommendations.

When the next Wage Board was constituted in 1985, the NUJ(I) representative was invited to join it. This time again, its performance was acclaimed by the journalist community and members of the Wage Board.

The Emergency: The emergency was imposed on the country on June 25, 1975. It was followed by press censorship the next day. The NUJ(I) within two days made a strong representation to the Prime Minister explaining its view that censorship in the long run will erode the credibility of the Press and the Government. The censorship should therefore be replaced by a code of voluntary restraint.

The then Minister of Information and Broadcasting, Mr V. C. Shukla, invited he NUJ(I) in September 1975 for a discussion on the concept of voluntary restraint, formulation of a code of ethics and restructuring the pattern of ownership of newspapers. At the conclusion of the meeting the NUJ(I) was requested to submit in detail its views on the merger of the news agencies and de-linking of editorial departments from the management. The NUJ(I) submitted a detailed note saying that we should have a strong and financially sound national news agency but it would be unwise to give it a monopoly status by a statute. It also advocated formation of regional language news agencies. As regards de-linking, the NUJ(I) was of the view that the editorial functions should be insulated by constituting separate editorial and business management Committees -with adequate powers in their respective spheres. The editorial Committee was to have 50 per cent journalist members on.

Samachar: The Government did what it wanted to do. It merged all the four news agencies into one monolithic unit under the banner of 'Samachar' and appointed a committee of 17 hand-picked editors to prepare a code of ethics for the journalists.

Press Censorship: No one was surprised when the IFWJ welcomed the Prevention of Objectionable Matter (Publication) Act, the main vehicle of the censorship. The NUJ(I) was at the forefront of those who had the conviction and faith in democratic values, opposed the censorship and suffered the consequences. A number of NUJ(I) members were put behind the bars, some of them were dismissed from service while attempts were made to slander others. Two journalist members of the Organisation had to file defamation suits against the magazine published by some members of the ruling family.

Subsequent events proved that the press censorship did erode the credibility of the Government which lost the election in 1977. No doubt other political developments and acts of omission and commission of the ruling party had contributed to this discomfiture. The fact remains that censorship had by removing the feed back channels, completely alienated it from the reality.

Janata Party: it was the Janata Party Government headed by Morarji Desai that dismantled the news management structure and restored the status quo ante in respect of the news agencies. The Janata Government also revived the Press Council. The NUJ(I) contributed a lot in this normalization process by articulating its views at the appropriate fora. The Congress party came back to power again in 1980 and renewed its attempts to keep the press on leash if not under full control. First, the Second Press Commission appointed by the Janata Government was reconstituted to suit whims of the ruling party. Secondly, the lumpenisation of our political system reflected in attacks on journalists and newspapers in various parts of the country for publishing facts inconvenient to certain authorities or group of people. The Assam Legislature passed an obnoxious Anti Press Bill. The Journalists were arrested in Jammu and Kashmir, U.P., Bihar, Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Assam for doing their professional work.

Bihar Press Bill: The NUJ(I) remained in the fore front of not only agitation against the Bihar Press Bill, but took a lead in exposing and stoutly opposing all kinds of attacks on the press and individual press-persons. The Bihar Bill united the Journalists as never before. The joint march to Parliament led by the NUJ(I) on October 21, 1982 and widespread resentment in other sections of the society made the authorities give up the idea of proceeding further in this matter.

Around the same time the Press Council was asked to help in the speedy drafting of a special law on the Right to Privacy in order to draw a veil on the misdeeds of those who wielded the State power and patronage. The Council did not oblige. At its meeting in September 1982, the Council decided to prepare a compendium of case laws based on the adjudication of cases. This was mainly due to the lead taken by the NUJ(I) representatives on the Council.

Fight for rights: The NUJ(I) has always fought for the rights of Working Journalists when they were denied their due. It fought and won the case of the library staff of The Hindu in the Madras High Court and got them the Palekar pay scales. Its good offices helped the Ananda Bazar Patrika employees to get additional allowances and facilities. The U. P. Journalists Association waged many legal battles against the management of the National Herald group, Jagaran and other newspapers.

This Organisation has never lagged behind in filing caveats in the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court in cases concerning the journalists. It has been impleaded as a party in the Supreme Court where the employers' petitions challenging the Bachawat Wage Board are being adjudicated.

The NUJ(I) has become a member of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ). This has added a new chapter in its activities. The NUJ(I) took almost a decade to shake off its disinclination to associate itself with any international organisation. Once a green signal was given at the biennial conference in 1985, the pressure mounted and the NUJ(I) became a full member of the IFJ in 1987. A link with the IFJ has given the NUJ(I) an access to infromation and has provided it with an international forum. It depends on us how to utilise these to the best advantage of the NUJ(I) and the journalist fraternity in general. The NUJ(I) representatives have participated in the deliberations on professional issues like Intellectual Property Rights, working conditions, qualification of journalists, training or trade union workers, etc. The NUJ(I) has taken up the execution of an India Project, sponsored by the IFJ. A number of regional seminars and workshops are being held for training the journalists in organising trade unions. This would motivate them to participate in the trade union activities.

Institute of Journalism: The NUJ(I) is about to fulfil one of the dreams of its founders, enshrined in its constitution, i.e., to establish and maintain institutes of journalism at the State and All-India levels. A society has been registered under the Society Registration Act in New Delhi on 31-7-92 to look after the affairs of what has been named as NUJ(I) School of Journalism and Communication. About 5 acres of land has already been acquired for this purpose at Satabdi Nagar, near Meerut, The school has been dedicated to the memory of the Late Mr L. Meenakshi Sundaram, founder President of the NUJ-(I). It is hoped that the School will gradually develop into a full-fledged training-cum-research Institute with all modern facilities and would specially cater to the needs of the regional language media persons and the news organisations. This multidiscipline media Institute will be in a position to run regular courses only after its building comes up. In the meantime, it proposes to make a beginning by holding workshops and extension lectures for the benefit of journalists, especially at the district level.

With an emphasis on practical training, the school is designed to help raise the professional standards, of journalism in India, to meet the challenges thrown up by the TV and Radio. The NUJ(I), with its impeccable record of democratic functioning and professional approach to the issues concerning working journalists, should now also concentrate on research and on gathering basic information about the members of the profession, the impact of technological developments, industrial relations and other related matters. Building up of a data bank, compilation of the case laws and handbooks on various issues having a bearing on professional and trade union work will certainly lend a sharp edge to the NUJ(I)'s future activities.