The emergence of a distinct personality of the NUJ(I) was, in fact rooted in the resolve with which it came into being and the circumstances and conditions in which this phenomenon of the birth of the country’s second all-India organisation of journalists took place. No description of the conditions then prevailing could be more apt than the following excerpt from the inaugural speech of late Justice M. C. Chagla at the National Convention of Journalists where the NUJ (I) was founded on January 23, 1972:

"I only want to sum up what I said. The freedom of the Press is under threat. There is no doubt about Government intentions. They have expressed it openly and publicly. They do not like, I am sorry to say, an independent Press. They want a Press that would say ‘yes’ to whatever they say. We hear the slogan that government can never be wrong and similar other slogans. The Press should fight these provided it is completely free and independent. For that purpose any attempt on the part of Government by any means to put control upon the Press should be resisted with all the force that the Press has and the public has."

And, the convention, indeed was organised, attended and supported by a set of strong-willed and dedicated journalists determined to fight the vicious designs to destroy Press freedom and subvert democracy in the country. Those were the days when, as Justice Chagla said. Government was "stretching its tentacles more and more to embrace within its grasp every independent institution and the latest effort and the most dangerous effort is to take within its tentacles the Press."

The Government had surreptitiously prepared and secretly circulated a draft Bill on diffusion of newspaper ownership with the connivance of the political oriented coterie in the leadership of the only body of working journalists – Indian Federation of Working Journalists. The proposed new pattern of ownership had serious implications for the Press and country. It was a devise to abridge Press freedom and to allow State control on the country’s newspapers through the pernicious contraption of the so called concept of ownership by ‘public trustee’.

At the same time, senior ministers and leaders of the ruling party were going about making vitriolic public statements showing their unconcealed animus against free Press. The draft Bill was brought up due basically to a general distrust of the Press which, in the opinion of the then Government, the ruling party and its allies, had been opposing their economic policies and had gone wrong in predicting the outcome of the previous elections.

The fundamental problem of the Government’s attitude towards and relationship with the Press was a deep-rooted sense of intolerance and impatience with any dissent. The whole exercise connected with the draft Bill was, therefore, motivated by desire to curb dissent through a permanent structural devise introduced into the ownership pattern of the Press. The participants in the National Convention of Journalists saw a great danger in it, and therefore got together to consider all its ramifications. They considered it truly from the stand point of independence and freedom of the Press and the future of democracy, completely distancing themselves from the intense political rhetoric that was being carried on by various political parties, associations and groups.

Before referring to other characteristics of the NUJ(I)’s personality, it would be in place here to state that perspicacity has been the hallmark of its distinctiveness right from the beginning. It has always attempted a perspicacious analysis and an objective study of any Issue on which it gave its opinion or took a stand. This was true of the impugned question of diffusion of ownership which was the first major issue it dealt with. Even after five hours of a highly informed and incisive debate on the subject, in the convention in which such stalwarts as V. K. Narsimhan. D. R. Mankekar, Girilal Jain, Frank Moraes and several other senior journalists participated, the only thing that was decided was to welcome diffusion in principle and to set up a seven-member special committee to study the issue further and recommend an ownership pattern that would fortify Press freedom.

Similarly, when, coming on the heels of this proposal, the Government issued an order imposing a 10-page ceiling on the size of newspapers, the NUJ(I) established beyond doubt that the order would disrupt newspaper economy, lead to retrenchment of staff and close avenues of employment in the newspaper industry. The order was later held by the Supreme Court as ultra vires, thereby vindicating the well-considered stand of the NUJ(I).

Setting up the NUJ(I) itself was no easy decision. For doubts were expressed about this being the proper or the only remedy for the failings of the IFWJ. Could IFWJ not be refromed from its political orientation or coterie rule? It was argued. A long discussion took place in which several veterans of the IFWJ convinced the convention that a new organisation was the only way the journalists in India could prevent misrepresentation of their view on various issues of far-reaching importance, protect their professional integrity and advance their interests.

This perspicacity has been a persistent trait of the organisation which has got manifested in its multiple activities. Its judgments have shown great insight. This is one of the reasons why the opinion of the NUJ(I) is respected in various fora and among all reasonable people and organisations.

An invincible courage of conviction has been another characteristic of the NUJ(I). An atmosphere of hostility sought to be built up by the leadership of the IFWJ by issuing slanderous statements against the convention. Its organisers and prominent participants only steeled its strong resolve to move on in the face of all odds, of which it had a good share in the past 23 years. The coterie succeeded in seeing the Vice President of India G. S. Pathak excusing himself at the last moment & not coming to the convention to inaugurate it, but that hardly made any difference.

Although its members are free to hold any political opinion, the NUJ(I) as a body has all along been free from any political affiliations or leanings. It has never allowed its views to be coloured by any particular ideology or even influenced by personal inclinations of its office bearers. In fact, this has been its guiding principle right from the inception when the founding resolution itself declared "the need to have an all-India organisation of journalists free from political affiliations of any kind".

The NUJ(I) has refused to compromise on this basic premise of its existence when a most tempting and easy offer was made to it as it was fighting a grim battle for recognition as a representative trade union federation of journalists of the country in 1973. The then Union Labour Minister Raghunath Reddy was displaying open hostility towards the NUJ(I) and the Government was refusing to concede its legitimate right to a seat in the Palekar Wage Board. While several memebrs of Parliament, including some leading ruling party members, had supported the NUJI(I) demand. The Union Home Minsiter Uma Shankar Dikshit then suggested in a letter of Nov. 14, 1973 to the NUJ(I) that if it got itself affiliated to the Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) its woes would be over and get representation in the wage board and in various other Government bodies. But, the NUJ(I) turned it down politely and firmly.

Similarly, the NUJ(I) preferred to face isolation but has always refused to join political movements or politically motivated trade union actions like the railway strike in mid-seventies. But where the interests of journalists were directly involved, it not only joined strikes and other trade union actions but gave lead to them.

As was explained by its first president L. Meenakshi Sundaram, one of the main reasons for the fromation of the NUJ(I) was that the IFWJ had of late committed itself to a particular political ideology. That was an issue on which there could be no compromise, he said. "It cuts at the very roots of the professional character of the organisation of working journalists". This also explains why the NUJ(I) did not join any international body of journalists in the cold war days. No overtures in this regard are entertained by it until after the end of the area of ideological wars in the international arena.

A total commitment to defend the public’s right to know and freedom of expression has all through been integral to its character. It is with this in view that it has always fought against any attempt on the part of the authorities to restrict these rights by enacting laws or by executive fiats. It is committed not to accept censorship in any from - whether pre or post publication, or from any quarter. If fact, it has pledged itself not to allow its own members to exercise any censorship on others. This is one of the solemn pledges made by it in its historic Agra Declaration of 1981. At the same time, it has bound itself by the obligation of exposing in public interest all wrong-doing of those who hold public office of wield political, economic or moral authority in the society.

It is significant that in one of its first resolutions the organisation had declared that "journalism has an important public duty as guardian of democratic values. Freedom of the Press implies freedom from censorship or intimation from any quarter, whether it be big business, political parties, Government or employers. A newspaper is not a piece of property but a living personality with a character and tradition deriving not only from those who own or edit it but from its readers, the causes it has historically served, and of the community of which it is a part." Thus, the NUJ(I) looks at Press freedom in a much wider context than is commonly perceived. That adds a new dimension to its intrinsically distinct character. Referring again to the Agra Declaration, the organisation has laid stress on respecting and promoting fundamental human and democratic rights and values.

Insistence on the maintenance of highest standards of professional conduct and personal probity has been another area which identifies the NUJ(I) and a professionally different body of journalists. Improving skills and achieving excellence in journalistic performance has equally been stressed and promoted by the NUJ(I) by organising numerous training camps, workshops and meets by its affiliated units throughout the country. No other organisation has done so much in this field as the NUJ(I), which again marks it out as a body with a character of its own.

The NUJ(I) has stood firmly for self-regulation of the Press and has, therefore, been a body which is credited with lending maximum support to the Press Council and the one whose members have made the most contribution to the functioning of this apex body of the profession. No other organisation had displayed a clearer vision of the role and purpose as well as the direction of the Council.

However, the NUJ((I) is essentially and primarily a trade union federation given to fighting for amelioration of economic conditions of journalists by securing for them decent levels of wages and allowances, and equitable share in the prosperity of the newspaper industry, better working conditions and rights under the various labour and trade union laws. And one prominently identifiable characteristic of the NUJ(I) in this field has been its always being the first to put forth the demands for wage revisions, making irresistibly convincing case for the acceptance of the demands and then to work thoroughly, diligently and intelligently to see through the working of the Wage Boards in order to secure the maximum benefits from them for the working journalists and other newspaper employees. No doubt, the NUJ(I) has acquired the most enviable reputation of putting up the most laborious, detailed and convincing memoranda before the wage panels and the Government as well as for arguing the working journalists’ case most ably and convincingly. Other organisations have often drawn upon its work to butteress their own case before the panels.

The NUJ(I) is credited with getting the legitimate journalistic status and rights recognised by courts and the authorities like those of Index Assistants, Part-time journalists. Mufossil correspondents, photo journalists and proof readers. its units have fought and won a number of cases in the Labour and other courts securing significant benefits for individual or classes of journalists.

While functioning vigorously as a fighting trade union, the NUJ(I) has always shunned any deliberate tendency towards slogan shouting and unnecessary rable-rousing. It has held the view that strike is a legitimate weapon in the trade union armory but it should be used only when other methods prove ineffective. For it is as much the duty of journalists as others to keep the information media open and unstopped. But, short of strike every other weapon can be employed to bring to heel the exploitative employers and unjust authorities. This course of action has registered quicker and better successes than the steps which are taken in a rash or injudicious and impulsive manner,

The NUJ(I), through its judicious well-directed and firm approach to trade union problems, has been able to solve many a tangle and extract benefits for working journalists. Getting the stagnated Palekar wage board converted into a wage tribunal in 1978 when the proprietors' representatives on the board had withdrawn themselves from it is one bright example of this. It was again the NUJ(I)'s persuasive skills and method of discourse that led to the Government amending notification on Palekar award to provide for payment of one-third wages of full-time reporters to pan-time correspondents. The same approach succeeded in getting the quantum of interim relief doubled from 7.5 per cent to 15 per cent of basic wages. But, whenever it thought necessary or expedient to resort to strong methods. including calling a strike, it did so vigorously and unrelentingly. be they against the employers or the Government.

The dark days of Emergency (June, 1975 March, 1977) were the NUJ(I)'s finest moments. when all its characteristics of a champion of the people's right to information. defender of the right to freedom of expression, fighter for a free and independent Press and a body of men ready to face the worst consequences for opposing the autocratic and authoritarian methods being employed to muzzle free speech, Incarcerate journalists and lock up daring newspapers, A number of its members were put behind bars; others were made to suffer unemployment, cancellation of accreditation. eviction from Government accommodation or punitive transfers to distant and less .important places.

Another glorious era for the NUJ(I) started after the lifting of the Emergency when it was instrumental in getting all the oppressive anti.-Press structures built during that period demolished one after 'another. In addition, new protective measures were .got introduced like amendment to the Constitution providing immunity to the Press to report the proceedings of Parliament and all State Assemblies without fear of legal action. A ten-point charter submitted to the new Government immediately after its installation led to a series of quick decisions resulting in removal of all curbs on the Press. repeal of Press and Publication of Objectionable Matters Act. restoration of cancelled accreditation and housing facilities, and freedom to report the Central and Slate legislatures freely.

The demands for re-establishing the Press Council, setting up of the second Press Commission, recreation of at least two competing national news agencies and, of course, giving the long-denied recognition to the NUJ(I) as a representative federation of journalists were also conceded and implemented after going through the necessary procedures.

However. one area to which the NUJ(I) was committed from the beginning but failed to do much is the general welfare of journalists. The Organisation was able to give only marginal help to the families of a couple of incarcerated journalists during the Emergency. Some units did help-a few members in distress in normal times. But. no major effort to organise welfare activities or to set up a fund for the purpose was made, partly due to paucity of resources and', partly because of a callous neglect of this area.

It is pertinent to note that a resolution was passed at the founding convention itself which called upon the National Executive "to take steps to set up a National Foundation of Journalists to render financial assistance to journalists in need and provide such facilities as may be needed by individuals to improve, their professional skills. The Foundation will also assist journalists to publish books and conduct research." The Foundation was to be an independent body and the President was asked in the resolution' to report back the progress in this regard to the next annual delegates conference. Somehow. the matter went by default at the delegates conference held in 1974 and seems to have been overlooked ever since. though the need for a fund for welfare activities has always been felt. It is good that the units of Punjab, Haryana and Chandigarh have together set up a welfare trust in this regard.

As has been mentioned earlier, the NUJ(I) has all along felt the need for training and reorientation of journalists and for up grading their skills. Some efforts were made at local and district levels, particularly in Uttar Pradesh and Haryana by organising camps and workshops. But, a major project to set up a school of journalism by the NUJ(I) has proved a non-starter so far despite some financial help having been received for the purpose a few years ago and a piece of land secured near Meerut in U. P.

Before we proceed further to discuss such shortcomings and to think of ways to meet them, it would be proper to recall briefly how the above surveyed characteristics of the NUJ(I)’s personality have manifested themselves in its various dimensions. These dimensions may be classified as : (a) As a trade union body, (b) As a watch-dog of public right to know and freedom of expression, (c) As a campaigner and defender of the professional rights of journalists and file Press as a whole, (d) As an upholder and practitioner of the, concept of self regulated and ethical conduct, (e) As a votary of professional excellence. and (t) As a promoter of general welfare of journalists.

It was the NUJ(I) that had first demanded the setting up of the third wage board in 1972 on the basis of a well made-out case backed up by relevant facts and data. This set the agenda for the journalist -and non-journalist trade union movement for the next three years before the board was actually constituted. It then led all others in presenting an iron clad case for the interim and final rates of wages. It was NUJ(I)'s concept of total revenue of a newspaper establishment to form the basis of its classification for the fixation of wages and not different newspapers' revenue as before, that came to be accepted as basic norm by all wage boards since then. This for the first time removed the arbitrary difference in the wages of journalists doing similar work but working for different newspapers under the same management. Inclusion of incomes from sources other than advertisement and sale of newspapers in the total revenue stopped the owners from cheating the employees in sharing their profits in the form of wages and allowances.

Though the NUJ(I) had to wage a long and bitter battle for recognition by an unreasonable Government as a representative trade union federation and for a seat in the wage board, the entire journalistic community, barring some politically motivated partisans, were convinced about the crusading spirit and the wisdom the NUJ(I) had displayed In respect of all trade union problems facing journalists of the country. NUJ(I) founder President L. Meenakshi Sundaram himself fought many cases in labour courts and other legal fora. A Secretary General fought a case of a category of journalists in the Supreme Court. Numerous other cases were fought before the conciliation machinery of various States by the local units, apart from major issues taken up at higher levels.

As a watch-dog of the public right to know, the NUJ(I) has persistently worked for removal from the statute book of laws like the Off lcial Secrets Act, censorship orders and Bills like the Bihar Press Bill and the Union Government's Defamation Bill. It was in the forefront of the countrywide agitation against these two Bills launched in the eighties. It campaigned for the enactment of the Right to Information Act and opposed attempts to make laws restricting free flow of information, such as the law on privacy or the right to reply Act. It also opposed the forced merger of four news agencies to form one Government controlled agency.

The NUJ(I) has stoutly resisted and fought all attempts whether they be from the Government, political groups, or any other elements to browbeat or assault journalists in order to prevent them from discharging their public duty to report facts and offer legitimate comments on public affairs. It has fought against innumerable such acts in all parts of the country. As a result of the resistance put up by the Uttar Pradesh unit of the organisation district level committees were set with representatives of journalists to monitor all such cases. The committees included the district magistrate and the chief of the district police administration. In other States too. cases of intimidation. coercion or attacks on journalists have met with a tough collective action by members of NUJ(I) units. Terrorists' pressure on the Press in Punjab and J & K was also resisted by the NUJ(I).

It has also fought attempts to weaken the Press and bringing it into disrepute by buying, bribing or patronising sections of journalists by authorities as was done by the Government of Abdul Gaffoor in Bihar and that of Mulayam Singh Yadav in Uttar Pradesh. The body recently got a special investigation conducted in the latter case by a team of senior journalists. The committee found that the process of distributing largesse did not stop at just influencing the bribed journalists but went much further to subvert the Press from Inside by favouring people holding key positions in the editorial and managerial organisation of the newspapers. It called for. among things, putting a stop to the viciously growing gift culture.

On the other hand, the NUJ(I) has stood and campaigned for giving to Pressmen on non discriminatory basis all professional facilities needed for the smooth and efficient functioning of the Press. It has been able to secure In various States many general facilities like concessional travel, medical care and housing.

It is the result of a persistent campaign backed up with concrete data and blueprints by the NUJ(I) that the Government has decided to introduce a pension scheme for journalists throughout the country. One of the early demands pressed by various Stale units of the NUJ(I) was for granting an adequate and compulsory insurance cover for journalists, particularly for those who are engaged in hazardous reporting. In the terrorist and mafia prone States the need for such cover has been heightened all the more and the cover is required not only by reporting staff but by journalists of all categories as the lives of all are under constant threat.

The NUJ(I) has always worked for strict observance of the tenets of journalistic ethics but has, at the same time. resolutely countered any attempt to force a code of conduct on the profession from either the Government or any other outside agency. It has, therefore, strongly supported the institution of the Press Council as a self-regulatory mechanism of the profession.

Right from the beginning the NUJ(I) has played a leading part in the affairs and functioning of the Council. gave it strength and added to its legitimacy by raising important cases before it even when it was not given representation on it. The historic case of Haryana journalists in 1972-73 when summons were issued against that Government by the Council for the first time ever was pursued by NUJ(I) functionaries. It was NUJ(I) again which took the legendary Verghese case against the Chairman of the Hindustan Times Limited to the Press Council in 1974 along with others. A leading light of the profession D. R. Mankekar, who was associated with the founding of the NUJ(I), was the main complainant and the NUJ(I) secretary an intervenor. The Committee for Editorial Freedom of the Hindustan Times employees, which also pursued this case, had several NUJ(I) members on it.

The NUJ(I) also played a leading part in the exercise for the reconstitution of the Council in 197374 when an M. P. S Committee held open hearings on the matter. When during the Emergency-the IFWJ meekly supported the abolition of the Council, the NUJ(I) came out strongly against the abolition.

No wonder then the NUJ(I)'s formal request to the council for recognition as a representative body of Indian Journalists was unanimously accepted in August 1973. With the peers having put a stamp of approval the organization had won enough recognition as a defender of Press freedom and upholder of the principles of maintaining highest standards of professional conduct and journalistic ethics. It has been recognised by all that NUJ(I) representatives in the Council have made the maximum and the most meaningful contribution in the performance of the Press Council since they entered into it for the first time in 1979. They never allowed the concept and objectives of the Council to be diluted nor did they permit any distortions in its thinking or any deflection in its direction in regard to the definition of Press freedom and the need to maintain high journalistic standards. If the Council has stood firm in reading any proposals, suggestions and Bills which militated against them, ft was largely due to the inputs from the NUJ(I) members and supported by those of the Editors’ Guild.

The NUJ(I) has been a votary of Professional excellence by the practitioners of journalism both in respect of editorial skill as well informed expression. It had in the very founding convention laid stress on professionalism so much so that some one even related Press freedom to it. It was said that "for sustenance of Press freedom what was required was professionalism first and professionalism last. If managerial cadres, proprietors and journalists were thoroughly professional, Press freedom could be upheld without any problem. "Decline in professionalism has boon one of the worries of the NUJ(I) right from its inception, and it has been from time to time holding seminars, symposia and workshops with a view to help improve standards and enhance professionalism. At these meets, stress was laid on not only sharpening skills and clarifying thinking on various issues, but also on professional values and professional ideals.

The Organisation has made a significant beginning in the field of cooperation and collective action among journalists of the region and rest of the world with affiliation to the International Federation of Journalists. The NJU(I) organised a regional meet in Delhi and another in Kathmandu. Its representatives have participated in a conference in Colombo and IFJ's meetings in Europe. An NUJ(I) leader also made an impressive presentation in the international Labour Organisation (ILO) at Geneva. NUJ (1)'s association has given a new boost to the activities of the IFJ in the South Asian region.

However. the NUJ(I) needs to do much more and much faster in all the fields of its activity. Its record is creditable, indeed; but, needs to be made worthier of an organization that will be celebrating its Silver Jubilee two years hence. It would be considered guilty of inexcusable complacency if it did not attend to the shortfalls in its achievements and the need for a quick long jump.

First and foremost, the organisational base of the body needs to be widened. After 23 years of existence there are !-,till many blank spaces in its organizational map. There are no organised units presently in some of the States where they had existed earlier. Determined efforts must be made to revive them. Some units are in deep slumber; they need to be shaken out of it. Membership seems to have stagnated in some others. A vigorous effort should be made to find out its causes and the same may be corrected with central leadership's advice and help, where needed. Central office bearers should take special and active interest in expanding membership and seeing that the units engage themselves in some activity or the other all the year round. Holding of annual conference all State units she, I be made an essential feature of these activities.

It should not be considered enough to hear reports from the units at the meeting of the National Executive, but special meetings or informal discussions should be held between the President arid the Secretary General arid the presidents and secretaries of the units. Substantial increase in the membership and the number of active units should be the main concern of the NUJ(I) leadership in the next two years, besides the work connected with the present Wage Board.

Steps should be taken to set up a National Foundation of Journalists with a fund to run welfare activities on national level. Similarly, there may be regional or state set-ups for the purpose.

The proposed School of Journalism project must be started in all seriousness. It should be organised on professional lines with proper faculty and a well-structured syllabus. However, till other arrangements can be made. the School must start Os activities on a humble scale but in systematic way. The School may think of bringing out manuals on reporting, editing, designing, production and Press laws and ethics in collaboration with private publishers. The School should also conduct or commission studies with the help of other bodies, it necessary, on various issues confronting the media.

Of late, some of the decisions of the Press Council have shown lack of direction, Therefore, NUJ(I) representatives in the Council need to be more vigilant and take keener interest in the Council’s work, It would be advisable for them to confer among themselves as also with the NUJ(I) leadership on the various matters coming up before the Council. A small committee may be set up to assist the members in this regard.

One of the distinguishing features in the character of the NUJ(I) was a self-denying ordinance under which the two main office-bearers--President and Secretary-General-- can neither seek second consecutive term nor exchange or alternate positions. These office beaters can also not seek or accept nomination on any Government body as NUJ(I) representatives. A member serving on one such body cannot become member of another before a gap of one year. This wholesome principle seems to have been violated of late. which does not auger well for a principled Organisation like the NUJ(I). It should be seen that such distortions do not occur in future.